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Home»Economics»Who Really Runs the Market? From Elite Clubs to Crony Power Beyond Competition
Economics

Who Really Runs the Market? From Elite Clubs to Crony Power Beyond Competition

By CharlotteJune 24, 20267 Mins Read
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Who Really Runs the Market? From Elite Clubs to Crony Power Beyond Competition






The idea that markets function as self-correcting systems remains one of the most enduring beliefs in economic thought. It rests on the proposition that individuals, acting in their own self-interest, collectively generate efficient outcomes through competition. This elegant concept, most prominently associated with Adam Smith, suggests that an ‘invisible hand’ guides economic activity toward equilibrium. In such a framework, inefficiencies are corrected naturally, resources flow to their most productive uses, and the broader welfare is enhanced without the need for heavy intervention.

Yet, while intellectually persuasive, this narrative rarely survives contact with reality. Markets, as they exist today, do not operate in isolation from power, politics, and institutional constraints. They are not neutral arenas where participants compete on equal footing. Instead, they are shaped by access, influence, and structural asymmetries. What is presented in textbooks as a spontaneous order is, in practice, a managed and often manipulated system. The notion that competition alone can discipline markets assumes that entry and exit are relatively free, information is widely available, and participants operate under consistent rules. But in many economies, especially developing ones, these conditions are far from being met. Entry into business is often conditioned by layers of approvals, licenses, and regulatory clearances. Each additional requirement adds friction, delays decision-making, and increases uncertainty. Over time, this accumulation of procedural barriers transforms the business environment into something resembling the old ‘license raj’ – a system where economic activity is contingent not on capability or innovation, but on permission.

The consequences of such a system are predictable. When rules are complex and discretion is high, the scope for arbitrary decision-making expands. Instead of fostering transparency, regulations become instruments of control. Those who understand how to navigate the system – or who have the necessary connections – gain an advantage. Others, despite possessing skills or ideas, remain excluded. The market, rather than being an open field of competition, becomes a gated domain.

This dynamic has profound implications for entrepreneurship. In theory, entrepreneurship thrives in environments where barriers to entry are low and rewards are linked to innovation and effort. In reality, when starting and sustaining a business requires navigating a maze of approvals, the incentives shift. Risk-taking becomes less attractive, and individuals gravitate toward safer, more predictable paths. Education systems, particularly in many developing countries, reinforce this tendency. Instead of nurturing independent thinkers and innovators, they often produce individuals equipped for structured roles within existing hierarchies. The outcome is a workforce trained to comply rather than to create.

At the same time, entrepreneurship does not disappear – it transforms. It becomes selective and, in many cases, politically mediated. Opportunities are not distributed through open competition but through networks of influence. This gives rise to what may be termed ‘politically exposed entrepreneurship’, where business success is closely tied to proximity to power. Licenses, contracts, and market access are concentrated among a relatively small group of actors who are able to leverage these connections.

Such concentration undermines one of the core promises of the market economy: the efficient allocation of resources through competition. When a few players dominate, not because they are the most efficient but because they are the most connected, the system loses its dynamism. Innovation slows, productivity gains are limited, and the benefits of growth are unevenly distributed. The majority, including many educated individuals, find themselves operating within the system rather than shaping it – functioning as employees or intermediaries rather than as creators of value.

This dual structure – where a small elite controls key economic opportunities while the broader population participates in subordinate roles – is not unique to any single country. It manifests globally, albeit in different forms. Even in advanced economies, where markets are more developed and regulatory frameworks more transparent, similar patterns can be observed. Large corporations wield significant influence over policy, lobbying shapes regulatory outcomes, and barriers to entry, though less visible, still exist in the form of capital requirements, technological advantages, and network effects.

The global financial crisis of 2008 provided a stark reminder of the limits of market self-regulation. Financial institutions that had taken excessive risks were rescued through public intervention, under the rationale that their failure would have systemic consequences. The episode revealed a fundamental asymmetry: profits were privatized, while losses were socialized. The invisible hand, it appeared, was not capable of preventing systemic collapse without the support of very visible institutions.

This raises a broader question: if markets cannot regulate themselves fully, and if regulations themselves can be captured or misused, what kind of economic system do we actually have? The answer lies somewhere between the extremes of free markets and state control. What exists in practice is a hybrid system – a blend of market mechanisms and administrative interventions. In some sectors, competition plays a dominant role. In others, outcomes are heavily influenced by policy decisions, strategic interests, or institutional arrangements.

In this context, the idea of a purely ‘market economy’ becomes more of an abstraction than a description. A more accurate term might be a ‘managed market’ or, in certain cases, a ‘non-market economy’, where prices and competition coexist with directives and controls. This does not imply that markets are irrelevant; rather, it acknowledges that their functioning is contingent upon the broader framework within which they operate.

Recognizing this reality is important for policy formulation. If markets are assumed to be self-correcting when they are not, the resulting policies may be inadequate or even counterproductive. Conversely, if the role of markets is underestimated, excessive intervention can stifle innovation and efficiency. The challenge, therefore, is to strike a balance – creating conditions where markets can function effectively while ensuring that power does not become overly concentrated.

One of the key steps in this direction is the simplification of regulatory frameworks. Reducing the number of approvals required for business operations can significantly lower entry barriers and encourage entrepreneurship. Equally important is the move toward rule-based systems, where decisions are guided by clear and transparent criteria rather than discretionary judgment. This not only enhances fairness but also reduces opportunities for rent-seeking.

Another critical area is education. The transformation of economic structures must be accompanied by a corresponding shift in the way human capital is developed. Education systems need to move beyond rote learning and credentialism, fostering skills that are relevant to a dynamic and uncertain environment. Creativity, problem-solving, and adaptability should be emphasized alongside technical knowledge. Without such a shift, the gap between the potential of individuals and the opportunities available to them will persist.

At a deeper level, addressing the imbalance between market forces and power structures requires institutional strengthening. Independent regulatory bodies, effective legal systems, and mechanisms for accountability are essential to ensure that rules are applied consistently. Without these safeguards, even well-designed policies can be undermined by implementation gaps.

It is also important to recognize that the aspiration for a fair and competitive market is not misplaced. The principles underlying the concept of the invisible hand – efficiency, decentralized decision-making, and the alignment of individual incentives with collective outcomes – remain valuable. However, these principles need to be adapted to the realities of contemporary economies. Blind faith in self-regulation must give way to a more nuanced understanding of how markets actually function.

In the final analysis, the debate is not about choosing between markets and the state, but about redefining their relationship. Markets, left entirely to themselves, may not always produce equitable or stable outcomes. States, if overly intrusive or captured by vested interests, can hinder growth and innovation. The objective should be to create a system where the strengths of both are harnessed, and their weaknesses mitigated.

The invisible hand may not be as powerful or as autonomous as once imagined. It operates within boundaries, influenced by visible hands that shape the rules of the game. Acknowledging this does not diminish the importance of markets; rather, it provides a more realistic foundation for improving them. Only by confronting the gap between theory and practice can economies move toward systems that are not only efficient, but also inclusive and resilient.

In that sense, the real task is not to defend or reject the idea of the market, but to make it work – by ensuring that opportunity is not a privilege of the few, that competition is genuine rather than contrived, and that the promise of economic participation extends beyond those who already hold power.

Mehdi Rahman works in the development

sector. He also writes on foreign trade

and monetary policies.


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